The mystery of Beria's mansion. Secret archives of Russia & nbsp Where are Beria's archives

Malenkov. The third leader of the Land of Soviets Balandin Rudolf Konstantinovich

The mystery of Beria's mansion

The mystery of Beria's mansion

Malenkov's vicissitudes of fate are extraordinary. After Stalin's death, he became, in fact, his successor, carried out reforms beneficial for the people and the state, and gained considerable popularity. It would seem that nothing seriously threatened his continued tenure in high office.

Of course, he tried to ensure that for members of the Communist Party, especially the privileged, ideological principles definitely prevail over material or career aspirations. Yes, Khrushchev turned out to be more cunning in this respect, more resourceful, “feeling in his gut” the mood of the party nomenklatura. He managed to win her sympathy. But could this alone have predetermined the fall of Malenkov and the rise of Khrushchev?

In my opinion, there should have been more compelling reasons for such drastic changes.

Nothing prevented Georgy Maximilianovich from abandoning the tough course in limiting the power and capabilities of the partocracy. It is unlikely that he was the same principled and adamant supporter of the idea of ​​socialism and communism, like Stalin. In subsequent years, he constantly yielded positions to the assertive, if necessary "simple-minded" and resourceful Khrushchev. Why?

When a historian so thoroughly saturated with politicking as Roy Medvedev naively refers to the weakness of Malenkov, who allegedly let go of the levers of power, one must be too naive, not to say more, to agree with this. We know how boldly Georgy Maximilianovich fought the Trotskyists, how he acted firmly under Stalin, showed courage during the war, survived disgrace with dignity and was able to reassert himself on the upper levels of power.

Weak people under Stalin would not have found themselves in the leadership of the state. In what in what, and in weakness you cannot reproach them.

Why would he suddenly turn out to be so malleable under the pressure of Nikita Sergeevich? Loose and relaxed? Why didn't you try to enlist the support of the party nomenclature? Not smart enough? Unlikely. She demonstrated to him her attitude to encroachment on her material capabilities.

In my opinion, an intelligible answer to these questions can be obtained only if it is possible to reveal the secret of Beria's mansion.

Let us recall how promptly and brutally the attack on him was organized. Sergo, the son of Lavrenty Pavlovich, having learned about the scale of this operation, came to the conclusion that this could only have been done to destroy his father. Why, in another case, arrange firing almost in the center of Moscow? Wasn't it possible to wait literally a few hours or a day or two, when Beria will be officially removed from office? His guards would be disbanded, and the residence would be withdrawn in favor of the state.

It is also very strange that the guards of the mansion put up armed resistance to their colleagues or even their immediate superiors. Was it really impossible to do without sacrifice? It would seem that seizing by force, storming his house, and even engaging in a firefight with guards, would not make any sense if the owner was not in it.

And still…

There is another reason why an attack on his Moscow mansion should have been organized almost simultaneously with the isolation of Lavrenty Pavlovich.

According to very plausible rumors, Beria collected incriminating materials on all or almost all of the largest party leaders. These papers could have been kept in his office or home office. It was most expedient to keep the most important materials of this kind in your mansion-fortress under reliable protection and under the supervision of your son. The latter could, if necessary, use them.

Here is the testimony of PA Sudoplatov: “In April 1953, I began to notice some changes in Beria's behavior. Talking on the phone in my presence (and sometimes even several senior state security officers) with Malenkov, Bulganin and Khrushchev, he openly criticized the members of the Presidium of the Party Central Committee, addressed them familiarly, as "you" ...

Once, going into Beria's office, I heard him arguing over the phone with Khrushchev:

Listen, you yourself asked me to find a way to liquidate Bandera, and now your Central Committee is preventing the appointment of competent workers, professionals in the fight against nationalism, in the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Beria's cheeky tone in dealing with Khrushchev puzzled me: after all, he had never allowed himself such liberty before when his subordinates were around. "

Such a change in Beria's behavior can be explained by the fact that after Stalin's death, he received and kept materials incriminating, in particular, Khrushchev.

Consequently, Beria should have given an order to his guards not to admit anyone to his home office under any circumstances without a personal order from the owner or his son. While the "compromising evidence" was in the hands of Lavrenty Pavlovich, he felt safe and could blackmail his colleagues.

For this reason alone, Khrushchev, Bulganin, Zhukov and some other persons, including Malenkov, were interested in storming Beria's mansion. This required surprise and efficiency. Much depended on whose hands the "compromising evidence" fell into. And Khrushchev tried to make this man he was. The most likely leader of this operation was Serov. Although it is possible that it was carried out by military intelligence.

Now all the trump cards in the game for power were in the hands of Nikita Sergeevich. As P. A. Sudoplatov wrote: "Archival documents show that Khrushchev, after Beria's arrest, seized the initiative." He got the opportunity to destroy the discrediting information obtained from Beria's safe, at the same time getting the opportunity to blackmail his colleagues: Malenkov, Bulganin, Zhukov, etc. Now he behaved with them cheekily, demonstrating his superiority.

Among the compromising materials stored in Beria's safe, there were almost certainly materials related to the "Leningrad case". One of the main points of the accusation was the falsification of the election results at the party conference by the party leaders of Leningrad. During Stalin's time, this was considered a grave crime.

“For us,” wrote P. A. Sudoplatov, “the most terrible crime of a high-ranking party or statesman was treason, but falsification of party elections was no less a crime. The party's cause was sacred, and especially the intraparty elections by secret ballot, which were considered the most effective instrument of intraparty democracy ...

Now we know that the results of the secret ballot in Leningrad in 1948 were indeed falsified, but the convicts had nothing to do with it. The full Politburo, including Stalin, Malenkov, Khrushchev and Beria, unanimously adopted a decision obliging Abakumov to arrest and try the Leningrad group ... ”According to him,“ the motives that forced Malenkov, Beria and Khrushchev to destroy the Leningrad group were clear: to strengthen their power ".

Consequently, each of the aforementioned "trinity" almost certainly informed Stalin about how dangerous the actions and plans of competitors were for the unity of the party. For Khrushchev, it was most important to destroy all traces of his denunciations, which he tried to do, keeping the "compromising evidence" on Malenkov.

Georgy Maximilianovich found himself in a difficult position. He had the opportunity to get rid of only part of the documents on the "Leningrad case" that he kept. In 1989, Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU published the following information:

“The question of the criminal role of GM Malenkov in the organization of the so-called“ Leningrad affair ”was raised after the June (1957) Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. However, GM Malenkov, covering up the traces of the crimes, almost completely destroyed the documents related to the "Leningrad case". The former head of the secretariat of G.M. Malenkov, A.M. Petrokovsky, told the CPC under the Central Committee of the CPSU that in 1957 he made an inventory of the documents seized from the safe of the arrested assistant of G.M. Malenkov, D.N.Sukhanov. In the safe, among other documents, a folder was found with the inscription "Leningrad affair", which contained notes by V.M. Adrianov, personal notes of G.M. Malenkov relating to the time of his trip to Leningrad, more than two dozen scattered sheets of draft resolutions of the Politburo Central Committee concerning expulsion from the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) HA Voznesensky, notes of GM Malenkov's speeches in Leningrad and notes made by him at the bureau and plenum of the Leningrad Regional Committee and the City Party Committee. During the meetings of the June (1957) plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, G.M. Malenkov looked through the documents stored in D.N.Sukhanov's safe several times, took many with him, and after he was removed from the Central Committee of the CPSU, he did not return the materials from the folder "Leningrad case", claiming that he destroyed them as personal documents. GM Malenkov at a meeting of the CPC at the Central Committee of the CPSU confirmed that he had destroyed these documents. "

It is very significant that nothing has been said about Beria, much less about Khrushchev. The materials on the first were no longer important, and during the perestroika period Khrushchev was considered to be the initiator of the "thaw" and almost the father of Russian democracy.

It is no coincidence, of course, that Malenkov tried to find out from the arrested Sergo Beria where his father's archives are. Apparently, then Khrushchev had not yet admitted that they were with him. But at the first opportunity he made it clear to Malenkov that he had compromising materials on him.

However, one should not exaggerate the importance for the life of the country of the struggle for power of certain state and party leaders. Objective factors affect the historical process more significantly: scientific and technological achievements, changes social structure society and the spiritual sphere, the transformation of the natural environment, and speaking generally - the evolution of the technosphere, the area of ​​global activity of mankind.

Over the past two decades, historiosophy (or philosophy of history) has become predominantly a means of ideological struggle. It is used not for the sake of understanding society, but as a tool for the spiritual enslavement of people. Archaic views on the historical process have become popular as a result of the efforts of several leaders of the largest powers, their personal relationships, and internal politics are viewed as cunning intrigues, intrigues and crimes in the struggle for personal power.

This was partly due to the desire of many historiographers, accustomed to collect and arrange facts in chronological order, to claim their philosophical interpretation. Previously, they had a relatively reliable materialistic foundation (Soviet specialists had the so-called system of historical materialism). Discarding it as a product of Marxist ideology, historiographers, incapable of independent creative quests, have lost all guiding lines.

This book also devotes too much space to the relationship of several main characters. But this is the specificity of any biography. You just need to keep in mind that all this rather vile overt or covert power struggle is taking place against the backdrop of grandiose natural and man-made processes. Only very few individuals, at least somehow corresponding to the scale of Lenin and Stalin, manage to withstand this pressure and direct it in a certain direction.

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27. “Beria's Gang” Khrushchev: “When Stalin said that such-and-such should be arrested, it should have been taken on faith that he was an“ enemy of the people ”. And Beria's gang, which ruled in the state security organs, went out of their way to prove the guilt of the arrested persons, the correctness

Failed architect

ON THIS TOPIC

The future People's Commissar of Internal Affairs was born on March 17, 1899 in a mountain village near Sukhumi. His mother Marta Jakeli, according to some sources, was a relative of the Georgian princes Dadiani. However, the noble birth did not help the woman: the family lived in poverty, she barely managed to feed her children.

Nevertheless, who showed a keen interest in science and technology, Lavrenty received a good education at the Sukhum higher primary school, and then entered the mechanical-technical construction school in Baku. Why did Beria choose construction? Since childhood, he painted well, and, probably, if not for the revolution, then in the future we would know him as a good architect. In addition, people who knew him claimed that the future People's Commissar of Internal Affairs had an amazingly subtle sense of beauty and was fond of photography.

After Beria moved to Baku, his mother and sister followed him. Only now Lavrenty was feeding them, giving most of the already meager earnings. When he entered the Baku school, he wrote in the questionnaire: "I had nothing and do not have anything."

His other passion was football. Beria's favorite team was Dynamo Tbilisi, and he himself once played on the field as a left midfielder. Beria tried not to miss the matches of his favorite team, and was very upset when she was defeated.

Confidant

In 1931 he became the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia - in fact, the head of the republic. In 1938, Beria moved to Moscow, where he headed the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD). Its rise was associated with the location of Stalin. According to one version, he earned the trust of the "leader of the peoples" by arranging a meeting for Stalin with his mother Ekaterina (Keke) Dzhugashvili in October 1935.

She was extremely unhappy with her son that he did not become a priest, but joined the "atheist Bolsheviks." To promote the cult of Stalin, propagandists from the Communist Party were required to show the "long-awaited" meeting of a loving son with his mother. And the help of Beria, as the leader of Georgia, was very useful in this matter.

He renovated Keke's house, held several conversations with her. What was happening was sanctified by Soviet newspapers: they periodically released touching reports in which the mother of the "leader of the peoples" began to regret that she had not given birth to another son of the same kind for the benefit of mankind. Well, later photographs of the embarrassed leader and the happy Keke appeared in the newspapers. Citizens sobbed with emotion. The task was completed, Beria coped with it perfectly.

From that moment on, the future People's Commissar of Internal Affairs became one of the confidants of the "leader of the peoples." It is not surprising that Stalin entrusted him with the most important task: to cleanse the NKVD of the people of his predecessors - Genrikh Yagoda and Nikolai Yezhov.

Sex giant

In addition to work, Beria found time for his personal life. So much so that rumors of his sexual insatiability were circulating throughout Moscow. It was rumored that he personally looked out for pretty girls on the streets of the capital. At the same time, Beria was not interested in the age and social status of women. "I went out hunting," Muscovites whispered. The persons who liked Beria were allegedly delivered by the head of his security, Colonel of State Security Rafael Sarkisov.

Beria only needed to point out the woman he liked, after which Sarkisov "invited" her to follow in the car. He also kept a list of his boss's mistresses. But after the arrest of the all-powerful head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it became clear that there are not one, but three lists. One had 39 names, another had 75, and the third had 115.

After the arrest of the chief, Sarkisov testified that one of the women of Beria was a certain student of the institute Foreign languages named Maya, who became pregnant with him and had an abortion. In addition, the head of the people's commissar's security claimed that in 1943 Beria contracted syphilis.

An active personal life on the side did not prevent the almighty People's Commissar from being an exemplary family man. He was married to Nino Gegechkori, whom he met in the early 1920s when he was at party work in Georgia. In 1924, the couple had a son, Sergo, who became a design engineer for radar and missile systems.

It should be noted that information about his adventures and the role of Sarkisov was confirmed by Beria himself. During interrogation on July 8, 1953, answering the question whether Sarkisov was acting as a pimp, Beria replied that he was "doing something." "I will not deny this," the former Minister of Internal Affairs admitted.


Bad house

In Moscow, Beria lived in a one-story modern mansion on Malaya Nikitskaya. Allegedly, it was there that the People's Commissar met with the women whom Sarkisov brought him. A rich table and gorgeous treats awaited the visitors. After the feast, an obscene proposal followed. Some researchers argue that in case of refusal from intimacy, the unfortunate women faced a series of troubles, including criminal prosecution. Those who stayed with the owner of the mansion could count on certain preferences, for example, a promotion at work.

In one of the episodes of the Top Secret program, publicist, founder of the Museum of the History of the Gulag Anton Antonov-Ovseenko claimed that during the renovation of a building in one of the basements a stone crusher was found at home. He suggested that the tool was used to destroy the remains of the victims. It is noteworthy that during the repair of the heating plant on Malaya Nikitskaya, a large number of bones were found, and their number grew as they approached the ominous mansion.

Now "Beria's house" is occupied by the Tunisian embassy. According to the testimony of the embassy workers, the spirit of the former owner appears there to this day. This happens several times a month. The scenario is the same: next to the house, the sound of a car pulling up is heard, the door opens, and unintelligible male and female voices are heard, which move away towards the entrance to the mansion.

Shot in the forehead

Beria was arrested a few months after Stalin's death - at the end of June 1953. In the verdict of the special court presence The Supreme Court USSR, chaired by Marshal Ivan Konev, it was said that former head The Ministry of Internal Affairs allegedly put together a hostile organization with the aim of seizing power. Beria was blamed for the intention to liquidate the socialist system and restore capitalism. The verdict was predictable: the death penalty.

Colonel Pavel Batitsky volunteered to carry it out. In the future, he will become one of the founders of the Soviet air defense, and will rise to the rank of Marshal. But on a gloomy winter day on December 23, he pointed a Parabellum pistol at the forehead of Beria standing in front of him and immediately pulled the trigger.

The body of the executed was not buried, it was burnt in the oven of the crematorium. Subsequently, Beria's relatives unsuccessfully tried to achieve a review of the 1953 case and the rehabilitation of their relative. However, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of Russia in May 2000 put the final point on this issue: it cannot be rehabilitated.


Double?

However, Beria's son Sergo believes that his father was shot either during his arrest or immediately after. According to him, that day in the mansion on Malaya Nikitskaya, machine gun fire was heard, and then a body covered with a sheet was carried out of the house on a stretcher. However, there is no reliable information that it was the marshal himself.

At the same time, Sergo Beria stated that a double played the role of his father at the trial. A member of the special judicial presence, Mitrofan Kuchava, allegedly shared this information with him. The son of the disgraced head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs also claimed that there was no cremation: the body of his father was allegedly dissolved in alkali.

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January 1955 marked the beginning of the "black" mythologization of Soviet history and the peak of Nikita Khrushchev's struggle for sole power.
Its main competitor is Lavrenty BERIA was already accused of high treason, shot and became such a scapegoat that in “Soviet encyclopedic dictionary”Soon they even stopped mentioning his name. Although in the famous Khrushchev report on the personality cult of STALIN it 61 times named together with the name of the leader. Many researchers were convinced: Nikita Sergeevich not only slandered prominent statesmen, but also contributed to their mortification. But they could not scientifically prove their versions. Recently opened archival materials allowed historian Alexander DUGIN for the first time to documentary expose Khrushchev's lies.
- Alexander Nikolaevich, what new have you found in the archive?
- I went to the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History to see what documents on the history of the 1950s were transferred to RGASPI from the archive of the President of the Russian Federation. And I discovered a lot of interesting things. First, confirmation of the words of Valentin Fadin - he prepared analytical notes for all leaders of the country from Stalin to Yeltsin. He wrote Khrushchev's foreign policy speeches. And in 2011 he risked publicly declaring that Khrushchev, wishing to seize archival documents about his participation in the repressions, ordered the creation of a group of 200 special employees not only to seize original documents, but also to make forgeries. Secondly, I discovered these fakes in the "Beria case" and realized that among the falsifiers there were also honest officers who left the descendants with "beacons" to recognize the fake.
- What are the "beacons"?
- There are several of them.

In any case of high treason, of which Khrushchev accused Beria, according to the then Criminal Procedure Code, there should be photographs of the defendants in the case, their fingerprints, and confrontation protocols. But in the materials There is not a single photograph of him, not a single fingerprint, not a single protocol of confrontations with any of his “accomplices” in the Beria case.
In addition, there is not a single signature of Beria himself on the interrogation protocols, and not a single signature of the investigator of the Prosecutor General's Office for the most important cases of Tsaregradsky.
There is only the signature of the major of the administrative service, Yuryeva. And on many of the interrogation protocols of Beria, there are no obligatory clerical "marks": the initials of the typist, the number of printed copies, the recipients of the mailing list, etc. But all of the above is only outward signs fakes.
- And there were internal signs of forgery?
- Sure. One of the handwritten "originals" of Beria's letters, allegedly written when he was already under arrest, bears the date "May 28, 1953," literally screaming "don't believe it!" You can find it at the link: RGASPI, f.17, op.171, d. 463, l.163.
- What exactly do not believe?
- The letter is addressed to "To the Central Committee of the CPSU to Comrade Malenkov." In it, Beria speaks of his dedication to the cause of the party and asks his comrades-in-arms - Malenkov, Molotov, Voroshilov, Khrushchev, Kaganovich, Bulganin and Mikoyan: "let them forgive if something went wrong during these fifteen years of great and intense joint work."
And he wishes them great success in the struggle for the cause of Lenin - Stalin. In tonality, it resembles a note to fellow colleagues written by a person who is going on vacation or who has decided to lie down at home for a couple of days because of a cold. And it begins like this: “I was sure that from that great criticism at the Presidium I would draw all the conclusions I needed for myself and would be useful in the team. But the Central Committee decided otherwise, I think that the Central Committee did the right thing. " After reading this, I was almost speechless!
The fact is that neither before nor after Stalin's death Beria was subjected to any "big criticism" at any meetings of the Presidium. The first meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, at which serious accusations of anti-state and anti-party actions of Beria were suddenly made, was held on June 29, 1953. That is, the next day AFTER this letter from Beria from the cell.
- You are almost speechless because of the date?
- Yes. If the letter were genuine, it would sweep aside the version of a number of my colleagues, which I shared one hundred percent. The fact that Beria was killed at noon on June 26, 1953 in his mansion on Kachalova Street, now it is Malaya Nikitskaya.
- Who was killed?
- A special group sent to Lavrenty Pavlovich by order of Khrushchev by the first deputy of Beria for the Ministry of State Security Sergei Kruglov. Lieutenant General Andrey Vedenin, the former commander of the rifle corps, who became commandant of the Kremlin in September 1953, told how his unit received the order to carry out Operation Mansion to eliminate Beria. And how he did it. Then the body of Beria was taken to the Kremlin and presented to the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU. After such a "confrontation" the Khrushchevites could, without fear, at the Central Committee Plenum on July 2-7, 1953, accuse Beria of all mortal sins. Win five months to clean up the archives to destroy the traces of your crimes.
And to inspire the people with the official version of Khrushchev: they say, the former Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, ex-Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee and a member of the Stalinist Politburo was shot for treason on December 23, 1953 by a court decision. And with Beria alive, Khrushchev could not hide the poisoning of Stalin and his complicity in this crime, which I have already described in detail. Let me remind you, in my opinion, that two people were most interested in this double murder - first Stalin, then Beria. The first was the Minister of State Security in 1951-1953, Semyon Ignatiev, to whom Stalin had serious questions in connection with a number of scandalous trials initiated by this man. Including in the "case of doctors" and the murder of Kirov. On March 2, 1953, the Presidium of the Central Committee should have already considered the issue of removing Ignatiev from office. The second interested person is Khrushchev, the curator of Ignatiev, who since 1946 held the most important post of deputy head of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks for checking the party organs and who carried out all the repression against the leadership of the party and the state. In case of failure of his ward, Khrushchev, too, would have thundered to the fanfare. At 22.30 pm on March 1, Stalin was found unconscious on the floor. After his death, Beria analyzed Stalin's archive and, studying the history of his illness, could suspect the named couple.
There was a double in prison.

- What exactly was Stalin poisoned with?
- Commenting on the medical data published in the recently published book by Sigismund Mironin “How Stalin was poisoned. Forensic medical examination ”, the chief toxicologist of Moscow, honored doctor of Russia Yuri Ostapenko said that the leader was probably poisoned with pills with an increased dose of a drug that reduces blood clotting. Since 1940, Dikumarin was the first and main representative of anticoagulants; in case of vascular problems and thrombosis, it was recommended to use it in small doses constantly, as today aspirin. However, due to its high toxicity, it was withdrawn from use at the end of the last century. Prophylactically drink it once a day, in the afternoon. It cost nothing for the NKVD-NKGB-MGB laboratories to make tablets with an increased dosage and put them in a regular package. After all, Ignatiev himself supervised Stalin's personal guard.
- But someone should have seen Beria alive in the cell to confirm the version that he was in prison for five months, awaiting execution?
- He had several doubles. And, mind you, the funds of Molotov, Zhdanov and a number of other addressees of Beria's "letters" are in the public domain, but there are still no funds for Khrushchev and Beria. And in the official collection "Politburo and the Beria case" there is not a single fact confirmed by documents that could be qualified as treason. But I managed to find an important document from Stalin's personal archive. He confirms that Khrushchev, accusing Beria of voluntary service in the Musavat counterintelligence, which fought against the labor movement in Azerbaijan, knew perfectly well that he was blatantly lying. This document, dated November 20, 1920, reports that Beria was introduced to the counterintelligence censorship department on the instructions of the Azerbaijani Communist Party. It was requested from Stalin's archives for the last time in July 1953, when the "Beria case" was fabricated. But for obvious reasons he was not involved in it.
The body was poured with concrete.

- Are you convinced that the "letters from the camera" are fake?
- Yes sir. I took them for an independent handwriting examination. The original handwriting of Beria helped me find the chief specialist of RGASPI Mikhail Strakhov. To keep everything clean and honest, I chose lines from which it is impossible to understand who is writing to whom, and paid for the examination out of my own pocket, so that no one could influence its result. According to the experts, the samples I submitted were written by different people... This conclusion confirms that the massacre of Beria occurred due to the fact that, having taken the post of head of the combined Ministry of Internal Affairs and the MGB, he was looking for an answer to the question of the true causes of Stalin's death. Had he remained alive, there would have been no talk of any revelations of the personality cult of Joseph Vissarionovich at the height of the Cold War. And in 1961, when Norwegian biochemists analyzed Napoleon's hair at the request of the French government and found out that he had been poisoned with arsenic, no one would have urgently convened an extraordinary congress of the CPSU. And he did not raise the unexpected question of removing Stalin's body from the Mausoleum and concreting it. Khrushchev covered his tracks!
- Why do you care so deeply about this whole story?
- I decided to do this, because I can not calmly watch how the heroes of "Freakopedia" like Rezun-Suvorov and Radzinsky try to erase from human memory all the positive moments of Soviet history, painting it only in dirty tones. And a person, especially a young man, who despises the past of his country, cannot respect his present and build his future in a state where his father, grandfather, great-grandfather are exposed as cattle.



 
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