We have lost faith in the power. What to do if you have lost faith? “It will be a disgusting Duma”
Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich
Speech by P. N. Milyukov at a meeting of the State Duma
SPEECH BY P. N. MILYUKOV AT THE MEETING OF THE STATE DUMA
After a significant break in work, the Duma nevertheless met on November 1, 1916. By this time, such a political climate had developed in the country that even right-wing deputies began to criticize the “mediocre ministers” in their sensational speech at the autumn session of 1916 in the Duma, the text of which distributed throughout the country in lists, P.N. Miliukov showed the evidence that the government's policy was dictated "either by stupidity or treason."
“Gentlemen, members of the State Duma. It is with a heavy feeling that I enter this podium today. Do you remember the circumstances under which the Duma met more than a year ago, on July 10, 1915. The Duma was impressed by our military failures. It found the cause of these failures in shortcomings military supplies and indicated the reason for the lack of behavior in the behavior of Minister of War Sukhomlinov.
You remember that the country at that moment, under the impression of the formidable danger that had become obvious to everyone, demanded the unification of popular forces and the creation of a ministry of people in whom the country could trust. And you remember that then from this pulpit even Minister Goremykin admitted “that the course of the war requires a huge, extraordinary upsurge of spirit and strength.” You remember that the authorities then made concessions. The ministers hated by society were then removed before the convening of the Duma. Sukhomlinov, whom the country considered a traitor, was removed (voice on the left: “He is”). And in response to the demands of the people's representatives at the meeting on July 28, Polivanov announced to us, with general applause, as you remember, that an investigative commission had been created and the beginning had been made of putting the former Minister of War on trial.
And, gentlemen, the social upsurge was not in vain: our army received what it needed, and the country entered the second year of the war with the same upsurge as in the first. What a difference, gentlemen, now, in the 27th month of the war, a difference that I especially notice, having spent several months of this time abroad. We are now facing new difficulties, and these difficulties are no less complex and serious, no less profound, than those we faced last spring. The government needed heroic means to combat the general breakdown of the national economy. We ourselves are the same as before. We are the same in the 27th month of the war as we were in the 10th and as we were in the first. We remain committed to total victory, we remain willing to make the necessary sacrifices, and we still want to maintain national unity. But I will say openly: there is a difference in position.
We have lost faith that this government can lead us to victory... (voices: “That’s right”), because in relation to this government, both the attempts at correction and the attempts at improvement that we made here did not turn out to be successful. All allied states called the best people from all parties into the ranks of power. They gathered around the heads of their governments all the trust, all the elements of organization that were evident in their countries, which were more organized than ours. What did our government do? Our declaration said this. Since the time when the majority in the Fourth State Duma emerged, which it previously lacked, a majority ready to give confidence to a cabinet worthy of this trust, from that very time on, almost all members of the cabinet who could in any way count on trust, all of them one after another systematically had to leave the office. And if we said that our government has neither the knowledge nor the talents necessary for the present moment, then, gentlemen, now this power has fallen below the level at which it stood in the normal time of our Russian life (voices from the left: “That’s right, right"), and the gap between us and her widened and became impassable. Gentlemen, then, a year ago, Sukhomlinov was put under investigation, now he has been released (voices from the left: “Shame”). Then the hated ministers were removed before the opening of the session, now their number has been increased by a new member (voices on the left: “True”, voices on the right: “Protopopov”). Without appealing to the intelligence and knowledge of the authorities, we then turned to their patriotism and their conscientiousness. Can we do it now.? (voices on the left: “Of course not”).
A German document was published in the French yellow book, which taught rules on how to disorganize an enemy country, how to create unrest and unrest in it. Gentlemen, if our government wanted to deliberately set itself this task, or if the Germans wanted to use their means, means of influence or means of bribery for this, then they could not do anything better than to act as the Russian government did (Rodichev and places: “Unfortunately, this is so”). And you, gentlemen, now have consequences. Back on June 13, 1916, from this pulpit, I warned that “the poisonous seed of suspicion is already bearing abundant fruit,” that “dark rumors of betrayal and treason are spreading from end to end of the Russian land.” I quote my words at that time. I pointed out then - I quote my words again - that “these rumors climb high and spare no one.” Alas, gentlemen, this warning, like all others, was not taken into account. As a result, in the statement of the 28 chairmen of provincial governments, who gathered in Moscow on October 29 of this year, you have the following instructions: “a painful, terrible suspicion, ominous rumors about betrayal and treason, about dark forces fighting in favor of Germany and who, by destroying national unity and sowing discord, to prepare the ground for a shameful peace, have now come to the clear consciousness that the enemy’s hand is secretly influencing the direction of the course of our state affairs.
Naturally, on this basis, rumors arise about the recognition in government circles of the pointlessness of further struggle, the timeliness of ending the war and the need to conclude a separate peace. Gentlemen, I would not like to meet the excessive, perhaps painful suspicion with which the excited feeling of the Russian patriot reacts to everything that happens. But how will you refute the possibility of such suspicions when a bunch of shady individuals direct the most important state affairs in personal and base interests? (applause from the left, voices: “That’s right”). I have in my hands the issue of the Berliner Tageblatt dated October 16, 1916, and in it there is an article entitled: “Manuilov, Rasputin. Stürmer”: The information in this article is partly late, and partly this information is incorrect. So the German author is naive to think that Stürmer arrested Manasevich-Manuylov, his personal secretary. Gentlemen, you all know that this is not so and that the people who arrested Manasevich-Manuylov and did not ask Sturmer were removed from the office for this.
“Believe in yourself and the rest will fall into place. Believe in your own abilities, work hard - and nothing will be impossible for you,”– Brad Henry
It is a well known fact that if anyone wants to succeed in life, he must believe in himself. People easily lose faith when faced with obstacles, failures and fears. When you lack confidence, others see it and don't take you seriously. Not many people live the life they always wanted to live; they give up on their goals as soon as they encounter the first failure. One of the main reasons for this is that they do not believe in themselves. You must believe because your inner faith creates outer results.
The modern world we live in is extremely competitive and challenging, and people begin to doubt themselves and their abilities when they fail. But a few failures are not the end!
We offer 10 simple tips on how to regain faith in yourself.
1. Accept your current situation
The first thing you need to do if you want to start believing in yourself again is to accept your current life situation. You have to come to terms with what your life looks like at the moment and the things that led to this situation. If you suffer because of this, you will achieve nothing. Only when you realize that nothing can be taken back will you have enough energy to change our lives.
“First, embrace failure. Realize that without losing, the winnings are not so great."– Alyssa Milano
2. Think about your past successes
If you feel like you've hit rock bottom, use your past to give you enough motivation to get back up. You were once amazing. Take yourself back to that past and think about the amazing things you did. Now realize that you can do it again. It's easy to think about the times when someone hurt you, but it's just as easy to think about the times in your life when you were successful. Use the past not to revel in your failures, but to motivate yourself to achieve new goals.
“Every day is a new opportunity. You can reminisce about yesterday's success or leave your failures behind and start again. Life is like that, every day is a new game."– Bob Feller.
3. Trust yourself
This is one of the most important things that will help you regain confidence in yourself. All the energy, strength, courage and confidence is within you. Spend time with yourself to discover this, whether through meditation or activism.
“Everything in the Universe is within you. Ask everything from yourself."– Rumi
4. Talk to yourself
We ourselves determine who we want to become. What we tell ourselves and how we motivate ourselves plays a huge role. Ultimately, you don't need the approval of others, because in fact, you need your own self-affirmation. Therefore, support yourself with conversation and praise when you have no one else to get approval and good motivation from.
“The brain believes almost everything you say. And what you tell him about yourself, he will recreate. He has no choice."
“If you tell yourself you can’t do something, what will be the outcome?” – Shad Helmstetter.
5. Don't let fear stop you
Fear hides behind false evidence of what appears to be real. This is the main thing that holds you back from believing in yourself much more than anything else. Face your fears and don't let them stop you from achieving your goals.
"Always do what you are afraid to do"– Ralph Waldo Emerson
6. Be compassionate with yourself
You must forgive yourself for any failures or mistakes you have made in the past and move on. You must look to the future and stop living in past failures. Be more compassionate with yourself.
7. Positive attitude
Having a positive attitude towards everything is the fastest way to restore faith and self-confidence. Be grateful for who you are and what you have. Find only good things in the world around you, then positive people and positive events will fill your life.
8. Accept help from strangers
People around you see your life from the outside and are sometimes more objective advisors than you yourself. Your family and friends can help you recognize your abilities and skills, focus on your goals, and remember your past successes. When you are full of doubts, the people who love you will help you believe in yourself again.
9. Keep moving forward and never look back
“If you can't fly, run, if you can't run, walk, if you can't walk, crawl, but whatever you do, you must keep moving forward.”– Martin Luther King.
There will be countless times in life when you will feel like you have hit rock bottom. The voice in your head will tell you to stop and you will start doubting yourself, but never listen to that voice. Be strong and keep moving forward. If you keep walking, eventually you will reach your destination. And when you do, you will realize how much stronger you have become.
10. Let life guide you
Let your life take its natural course. When you learn to follow the flow of life, you will realize that it is a wonderful and wise advisor. If you allow life to guide you, it will shower you with its gifts and riches. To do this, you will have to come to terms with the life that is given to you and learn to relax. Let her guide you on the right path, and then you are guaranteed success.
“We all have different things that we go through in our daily lives. And it's really important to know, just at the end of the day, that we have overcome and overcome all of this. You must believe in yourself. You must believe in God and know that he will help you through difficulties."– Kelly Rowland.
Always believe in yourself and your uniqueness!
The only thing that makes life possible is constant and unbearable uncertainty; not knowing what will happen next,”Ursula Le Guin.
As a child, like many children, I loved all these games that allowed me to predict future fate. I played them with an insatiable desire to know all the details: Where will I live in the future? What will happen to me? What will I become?
I was fascinated by the fact that you could know your future down to the details. Fortune cookies, horoscopes, telephone fortune tellers told me in detail everything about my future self.
Over time, curiosity gave way to the desire to plan for the future. I planned every step, every minute in order to achieve a specific goal.
I made a deal with space. Like, everything will be fine if I do it this way?
I craved certainty and lived under the illusion that all things were under my complete control.
I planned my entire future life, which turned out to be divided into several main stages: studying at the university, getting married, having a child, building a career. However, no matter how hard I tried to implement these plans, in the end, to my surprise, everything turned out a little differently.
The wedding dress I got married in was not at all similar to the outfits that were captured in the photographs that my friends and I collected at school.
My 38-hour labor with two epidurals was nothing like the wonderful event I thought it would be.
My house in Arizona is nothing like the mansion I dreamed of in Northern California.
At the same time, I feel that I am quite satisfied with life. It's not all about the details.
We have the ability to turn even the most difficult times into the best things that have ever happened to us. We can find the strength to get out of even the deepest hole in life. And we can truly surprise ourselves if we want to.
However, what could be more beautiful than details?
It's so nice to make a list and check that everything is in its place. It's so great that sometimes we even write down what we've already done. And there's something soothing about putting things into perspective.
This is especially true for our future plans. This is intoxicating, and it seems to us that now everything in our lives will definitely go exactly the way we want.
The only problem is that we can never predict the details of future events.
Over time, all this attention to detail begins to cause too many problems. And now I’m even afraid to make plans for the future, since life always makes its own adjustments. Perhaps it's because my plans are getting complicated or I've simply lost my grip.
Moreover, now there are so many new things and people in my life. Previously, it was just me and my cats, but now it’s me, my husband, my children, our close relatives, old and new friends, employers, clients, school, licenses and a mortgage.
And the appearance of each such component brings with it many questions. And there are so many of them that sometimes I feel an internal panic.
It's important to learn to accept that you will be okay, even if you don't know the details. Because the main thing is to understand how you want to feel and what you would like to fill your life with.
One way or another, we would like to keep everything under our control, down to the most insignificant details. But recognize that each such detail in itself is neither good nor bad. It's just something you have to accept.
Just take one step, then another. Do everything you can to achieve your goal, come what may.
I know it's the best plan, but part of me protests because it still feels like I should have all the answers and trust that everything will be okay. But I know that I need to trust the world around me more, understanding that I will be fine no matter what.
I’m just one of those people who not only plans my future in detail, but would also like to know your plans. These people need to know when you will visit your hometown or return to it permanently, when you plan to have your next child and, finally, when your salary will increase.
They are able to ask you so many questions about your plans that you may even feel ashamed that you yourself do not know so much about them.
I understood why they do this.
They just want to feel closer to you or thereby want to demonstrate their importance and usefulness. They want you to hear them.
Maybe they're just too nosy. Maybe this is their way of showing that they care and want to help you deal with your problems.
I understand these people because I myself belong to them. Naturally, I cannot be sure that my plan will come true 100%, but in my head I always paint literally the details. That's just the way I am.
You can know that everything will be okay, or you can understand it. If you are aware of this, you are living and breathing.
Instead of seeking control, you seek clarity, and instead of seeking confidence, you seek courage.
Your next move may or may not be the right one. It is possible that it will lead you to nowhere and people will think you are crazy. But in any case, you should internally accept it.
The truth is that no one is destined to know exactly how everything will turn out, but you can clearly understand what exactly you want and why you need it. So basically, you don't need to know the details. I mean, know in advance. Because you will get to know them anyway once the time is right. And your path is not the path of knowledge, but the path of faith in yourself.
You don't need absolute certainty about the future to feel okay, no matter the outcome.
I'm not saying, "Let's throw caution to the wind." Make plans, but don't get hung up on details unless they are clear. Plan, but do it with flexibility and trust in the future. After all, life is interesting for its surprises, and if you try to control it, you will deprive yourself of the pleasure of meeting something new.
Therefore, dream, plan, visualize your desired future. Just stay alive and honest with yourself and you will always be able to find the strength to stay ok no matter what.
I have no idea where I'll be working in five years, what our house will look like, what we'll do on the weekends, or when I'll lose those extra pounds after having a baby. But I really trust myself and will be able to rise to the challenge of fate when the time comes.
I don’t know the answers to all the questions that periodically torment me, but I know what I would like to feel and where my heart lies most.
I want to feel light, inspired and free.
I want to find meaning in my work.
I always want to be home in time for dinner.
I want to have free space where I can contemplate and create.
I'm still making plans and I'm going to continue to write them down in my journal. I just don't let the fear of failure affect my life.
So go ahead, universe. Surprise me. I'll be okay no matter what.
Patriotism of lies and patriotism of truth
...The thinking of current Russian bureaucrats is no different from the thinking of terrorists
From the speech of Pavel Miliukov at the fifth session of the 4th State Duma of the Empire, delivered on November 14, 1916
“...We have lost faith that this power can lead us to victory...”
Pavel Milyukov.
“Pe. eN. Miliukov,” as Vladimir Vladimirovich called him, who is Mayakovsky, was one of the organizers of the February 1917 coup in the empire. Miliukov's speech made an indelible impression on various strata of Russian society. And his expression: “Stupidity or treason? Does it really matter? became the leitmotif of the coup. But as always, behind the screen of the critical arrows of a bourgeois politician, not a mediocre liar and, as they would now say, a populist, hide the selfish interests of the bourgeoisie. This is exactly what Miliukov admits in his letter to I.V. Revenko. Note that Pavel Nikolayevich admits the fact that the Bolsheviks - communists did not have the slightest connection to the overthrow of the Romanovs and the collapse of the empire. All the blame for this catastrophe lies with the conscience and stupidity of the Russian bourgeoisie. Like now…
“From a letter from the leader of the Cadet Party,
former minister of the first Provisional Government P. N. Milyukov
former member of the Council of Monarchist Congresses I. V. Revenko
End of December 1917 - beginning of January 1918
In response to the question you posed, how I now look at the revolution we have accomplished, what I expect from the future and how I assess the role and influence of existing parties and organizations, I am writing you this letter, I admit, with a heavy heart. We didn't want what happened. You know that our goal was limited to achieving a republic or a monarchy with an emperor having only nominal power; the prevailing influence of the intelligentsia in the country and equal rights for Jews.
We did not want complete devastation, although we knew that the coup would in any case have an unfavorable effect on the war. We believed that power would be concentrated and remain in the hands of the first cabinet of ministers, that we would quickly stop the temporary devastation in the army and the country and, if not with our own hands, then with the hands of the allies, we would achieve victory over Germany, paying for the overthrow of the tsar by some delay of this victory.
We must admit that some even from our party pointed out to us the possibility of what happened later. Yes, we ourselves, not without some anxiety, followed the progress of the organization of the working masses and propaganda in the army.
What to do: we made a mistake in one direction in 1905 - now we made a mistake again, but in the other. Then they underestimated the strength of the extreme right, now they did not foresee the dexterity and unscrupulousness of the socialists.
You can see the results for yourself.
It goes without saying that the leaders of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies are leading us to defeat and financial economic collapse quite deliberately. The outrageous posing of the question of peace without annexations and indemnities, in addition to its complete senselessness, has already radically ruined our relations with our allies and undermined our credit. Of course, this was not a surprise to the inventors.
I won’t tell you why they needed all this, I’ll briefly say that the role played here was partly by conscious betrayal, partly by the desire to fish in troubled waters, and partly by a passion for popularity. But, of course, we must admit that the moral responsibility for what happened lies with us, that is, with the bloc of parties in the State Duma.
You know that we made a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup soon after the start of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.
You understand now why I hesitated at the last minute to agree to carry out the coup; you also understand what my internal state must be at the present time. History will curse our leaders, the so-called proletarians, but will also curse us, who caused the storm.
What to do now, you ask...
Don't know. That is, inside we both know that the salvation of Russia lies in the return to the monarchy, we know that all the events of the last two months have clearly proven that the people were not able to accept freedom, that the mass of the population who do not participate in rallies and congresses are monarchist-minded, that many many agitating for a republic do so out of fear.
All this is clear, but we simply cannot admit it.
Recognition is the collapse of our entire life’s work, the collapse of the entire worldview of which we are representatives. We cannot recognize, we cannot resist, we cannot unite with those rightists, submit to those rightists with whom we fought for so long and with such success.
That's all I can say now.
That is why the bourgeoisie started talking about the restoration of the monarchy.
Only this will be an even more terrible disaster...
“Stupidity or treason?”
On November 1, 1916, the leader of the Cadet Party, Pavel Milyukov, delivered a famous speech in the State Duma, which, according to many historians, launched the dramatic process of the revolutionary breakdown of the government in force at that time.
P.N. Miliukov speaks in the Fourth State Duma. Petrograd, 1916
How did it happen that the speech of the leader of the legal Duma opposition, which was completely situational in nature and tactically timed to the urgency of the current moment, turned out to be a kind of prelude to the events of February 1917?
Miliukov wrote the speech specifically “for the opening of the Duma.” Its main blow was aimed at the prime minister Boris Sturmer, however, the leader of the cadets, by his own admission, risked “going further and higher than those involved in the “ministerial leapfrog”, publicly revealing “dark forces”, touching on “sinister rumors”, not sparing the source to which they go back,” that is, the empress Alexandra Fedorovna and the royal couple as such. He understood that his speech could cause a sharp reaction from the supreme authorities, lead to the dissolution of the Duma, etc., but he was determined not to deviate from his plans, timing their implementation to the approaching “decisive hour.”
The Duma session opened on November 1, 1916 (hereinafter dates are given in the old style) with a speech by Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko, who spoke about the army, allies and war to a victorious end. Stürmer and members of his government knew in advance about the upcoming obstruction and, without waiting for it, left the hall immediately after Rodzianko’s speech.
The subsequent debates were at first routine. The Social Democrats (Mensheviks) criticized the liberals; the right continued their tireless struggle “against German dominance”; Alexander Kerensky. Even the next declaration of the Progressive Bloc, voiced by the Octobrist Sergei Shidlovsky, turned out to be boring and inexpressive, all the “sharp parts” were omitted from it. The declaration accused the ministers of “ignorance”, “incompetence” and a hostile attitude “towards the public”, and demanded a speedy trial of the former Minister of War Vladimir Sukhomlinov, who was accused of poor supply of the army, complained about oppression of the press.
Miliukov had to literally save the situation: realizing that toothless and inarticulate speeches lead to the loss of public sympathy, and not wanting to lose the votes of his voters to the extreme left, which he openly spoke about two days before the start of the session to the French ambassador Maurice Palaiologus, the cadet leader rushed into battle.
“It will be a disgusting Duma”
The day before the opening of the autumn session of the Duma, October 30, 1916, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna innocently noted in a letter to her husband: “This will be a disgusting Duma, but there is no need to be afraid of it: if it turns out to be too bad, it can be closed.” She directly called the relationship between the government and the Duma “war”: “This is a war with them, and we must be firm.”
"Rumors of Dark Forces"
Miliukov began his speech by telling deputies about his “difficult feeling” and lamented the loss of “faith” in the ability of the authorities to “lead us to victory.” Having edifyingly set Russia as an example of the Entente powers, which “called into the ranks of power the best people from all parties” and thereby gained everyone’s “trust,” the leader of the cadets attacked the Russian government with devastating criticism. It, according to him, acted exactly the opposite: it did not want to rely on the “trust” of the Duma majority, it lost almost all the ministers “in any way” deserving of this “trust” (here, primarily the Minister of War was meant Alexey Polivanov and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Sazonov) and as a result had “neither the knowledge nor the talents necessary for the present moment.” Miliukov stated that the “gulf” separating government and society “has widened and become impassable.”
In addition, he accused the Russian government of disorganizing the country and provoking “ferment and unrest.” Miliukov supported his statement with nothing more than references to the spread of “dark rumors about betrayal and treason” throughout Russia, which “climb higher and higher and spare no one.” “Ominous rumors about betrayal and treason, about dark forces fighting in favor of Germany and seeking to prepare the ground for a shameful peace by destroying national unity and sowing discord, have now passed into the clear consciousness that the enemy’s hand is secretly influencing the direction of the course of our state affairs,” - the speaker emphasized.
“How will you refute the possibility of such suspicions when a bunch of shady individuals direct the most important state affairs in personal and base interests?” - he exclaimed. Miliukov had no difficulty in finding evidence. The leader of the cadets was armed with a recent article entitled “Manuilov, Rasputin, Stürmer” from the German newspaper Berliner Tageblatt dated October 16, 1916, from which it followed that the replacement of Sazonov as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the summer of 1916 took place with the participation of Ivan Manasevich-Manuylov, Grigory Rasputin and persons close to him - Metropolitan of Petrograd and Ladoga Pitirima(Oknova) and the prince Mikhail Andronnikov, that is, those very “dark forces”.
The cadet leader quoted not only the German press. Having accused Stürmer of Germanophilism, the leader of the main liberal opposition party, as a true nationalist, recalled the German roots of the prime minister and read excerpts from the editorial of the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse dated June 25, 1916: “No matter how Russified old Stürmer ( laughter), it is still quite strange that foreign policy in a war that emerged from pan-Slavist ideas would be led by a German ( laughter)».
The following free reflections of an Austrian journalist (of course, in Miliukov’s interpretation): “Minister-President Stürmer is free from the delusions that led to the war. He did not promise, gentlemen, please note, that without Constantinople and the straits he would never make peace. In the person of Stürmer, a weapon has been acquired that can be used at will. Thanks to the policy of weakening the Duma, Stürmer became a man who satisfies the secret desires of the right, who do not at all want an alliance with England. He will not argue, like Sazonov, that it is necessary to neutralize the Prussian military helmet.”
At the same time, Miliukov noted the “obsession” of the cabinet of ministers with the “idefix of the revolution coming from the left,” emphasizing that “everything is sacrificed to this idefix: the high national impulse to help the war, and the beginnings of Russian freedom, and even the strength of relations with the allies.” "
The ruling dynasty also suffered. As Miliukov later admitted in his memoirs, he decided to say out loud “the name of the empress in connection with the names of the camarilla surrounding her.” However, in order to avoid punishment for such liberty, he “disguised” the daring statement with a quote from the same Viennese Neue Freie Presse, where the appointment of Stürmer as Minister of Foreign Affairs was presented as a success of the “peace party grouped around the young queen.”
Summing up the conversation about Sturmer, Miliukov expressed confidence that this prime minister “will not return here” (to the Duma). With this he received new applause, as well as shouts of “Bravo!”
BIOGRAPHY FACTS OF PAVL MILYUKOV
Black ball from Klyuchevsky
In 1892, 33-year-old Miliukov defended a 700-page master's thesis, “The State Economy of Russia in the First Quarter of the 18th Century and the Reforms of Peter the Great.” Many members of the academic council of Moscow University were in favor of having it accepted immediately as a doctoral thesis. But unexpectedly, Miliukov’s favorite teacher, Vasily Klyuchevsky, came out sharply against it. According to the widespread version, the future leader of the Cadet Party was so offended that he decided not to defend his doctoral dissertation.
Inscription of King Samuel
In 1898, during a trip to Macedonia, the historian Miliukov made an important scientific discovery. At the entrance to a small church on the shore of Lake Ohrid, there was a regular-shaped slab without any inscriptions. Having ordered to turn it over, Miliukov discovered on the reverse side an ancient text dating back to the era of the First Bulgarian Kingdom. It was an inscription dated 993 and made by order of the Bulgarian Tsar Samuil (d. 1014). It has been recognized as one of the oldest Cyrillic texts that have come down to us. Since then, the tombstone has been kept in the National Historical Museum of Bulgaria in Sofia.
Apartment qualification
Being the founder and recognized leader of the Kadet Party, Miliukov was not allowed to participate in the elections to the First and Second State Dumas on a formal basis - non-compliance with the requirements of the apartment qualification: he had not lived in the apartment that belonged to him under the contract for more than a year. Nevertheless, Miliukov visited the Tauride Palace every day and, as they said, “conducted the Duma from the buffet.”
"Washington Regional Committee"
During the Christmas holidays of 1908, Miliukov visited the United States and gave a lecture there on the political situation in Russia. A magnificent reception was organized in his honor. However, at home, his visit, and especially the assessments that Miliukov gave to the state of affairs in the country, were met with very disapproval. Articles like “What Mr. Milyukov reported to the Washington government” appeared in the Russian far-right press. The right-wing factions in the Duma, considering his behavior abroad as “treason to the Motherland,” organized a real boycott of Miliukov, thrice disrupting his speech in the Duma.
Glass of water
Vladimir Purishkevich
At one of the Duma meetings in 1908, a deputy from the monarchist Union of the Russian People, Vladimir Purishkevich, during his speech, noticing an ironic smile on Miliukov’s face, threw a glass of water at him from the podium. The glass broke at the feet of the cadet leader. In the same year, the Chairman of the Duma, the Octobrist Alexander Guchkov, challenged Miliukov to a duel, believing that he had accused him of lying. Miliukov's chances of killing the experienced duelist Guchkov were assessed as minimal. However, the seconds managed to persuade them to settle the matter peacefully. The conflict was widely discussed in the press, and in the evening of the next day the leader of the Cadet party finally got it: on the way home he was severely beaten by unknown assailants. It is interesting that in March 1917, both Miliukov and Guchkov became members of the Provisional Government: the first became Minister of Foreign Affairs, the second - Minister of War.
Miliukov-Dardanelle
From the very beginning of the First World War, Miliukov advocated fighting it to a victorious end - primarily so that Russia would gain control over the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits connecting the Black and Mediterranean seas. For this he received the ironic nickname Miliukov-Dardanelles, which he himself was later very proud of.
Record-breaking minister
Having become the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, Miliukov set a kind of record: he stayed in this post less than other heads of the foreign policy department in the entire history of Russia - two months and one day, from March 1 to May 2, 1917. His successor in the Provisional Government, Mikhail Tereshchenko, held this position for almost six months. By the way, the last Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, Boris Pankin (August 28 – November 19, 1991), was second to last after Miliukov in terms of length of stay in office.
Death of Nabokov
On March 28, 1922, an attempt was made on Miliukov’s life. In the full hall of the Berlin Philharmonic, he gave an hour and a half lecture on “America and the Restoration of Russia,” at the end of which shots rang out. They managed to throw Miliukov to the floor, but the terrorist shouted: “I take revenge for the royal family!” – jumped onto the stage and continued shooting. His path was blocked by Miliukov’s fellow party member Vladimir Nabokov (the writer’s father), who was mortally wounded the next moment by a second criminal. The attackers were detained by a crowd: they turned out to be officers of the White Army who wanted to take revenge on Miliukov for refusing armed struggle against the Bolsheviks. After this tragedy, the former leader of the cadets helped Nabokov’s family for many years, including his son, who later became famous.
"The Truth about Bolshevism"
Having left Russia forever in December 1918, Miliukov initially remained an implacable opponent of the Bolsheviks. However, subsequently his position began to change. “There are cases when the Soviet government really represents Russia,” he said. Miliukov abandoned the idea of an armed overthrow of the Bolshevik government and insisted on recognition of the main results of the October Revolution: a republican system, a federal structure, and a solution to the land issue by distributing land among peasants. In 1943, after the victory over the Nazis at Stalingrad, the historian wrote the last article in his life, “The Truth about Bolshevism,” in which he noted that “the people not only accepted the Soviet regime as a fact, they came to terms with its shortcomings and appreciated its advantages.”
"I feel sorry for the Finns..."
Until his death, Miliukov advocated the restoration of Russia within its historical borders. Therefore, in 1939, he supported the signing of the Soviet-German Pact, as well as the entry into the USSR of Western Ukraine, Western Belarus and the Baltic states. He only regretted that Warsaw and its environs, which had previously also been part of the Russian Empire, were not annexed to the Union. Miliukov also supported the actions of the USSR during the Soviet-Finnish War. “I feel sorry for the Finns, but I need the Vyborg region,” he wrote. During the Great Patriotic War, living in German-occupied France, the former leader of the cadets warmly welcomed the victories of the Red Army.
Kisa Milyukov
Soviet writers Ilya Ilf and Evgeny Petrov made their hero Ippolit Matveevich (Kisa) Vorobyaninov look like Miliukov. “He didn’t wear glasses. One day, having decided that wearing pince-nez was unhygienic, Ippolit Matveevich went to the optician and bought rimless glasses with gold-plated shafts. He liked the glasses the first time, but his wife... found that he looked just like Miliukov wearing glasses, and he gave the glasses to the janitor. The janitor, although not nearsighted, got used to the glasses and wore them with pleasure.” It is interesting that Anatoly Papanov, who played the role of Kisa in the film adaptation of the novel “12 Chairs” (directed by Mark Zakharov, 1976), also looked very much like Miliukov.
"A fool, but not a traitor"
However, it was not these menacing statements that the public remembered Miliukov’s speech, but the famous refrain about “stupidity or treason.” On the eve of the speech of the leader of the Cadet Party, one of the ministers (apparently the Minister of War Dmitry Shuvaev), who heard that the Duma was “going to talk about treason,” exclaimed: “I may be a fool, but I am not a traitor.” Seizing the moment, Miliukov, to whom these words were conveyed, repeated them loudly and made the minister laugh: “Doesn’t it matter for the practical result whether in this case we are dealing with stupidity or treason?”
Developing his idea, Miliukov first cited as an example the situation of Russia’s unwillingness to promptly support Romania, which had entered the war, and was being defeated by Austro-German troops. “What would you call this: stupidity or treason?” - he asked. "Same!" – like-minded people from the audience echoed him.
Then the leader of the cadets recalled that the fulfillment of the intention of the “smart and honest minister” Sazonov to promise Poland autonomous rights was delayed by the government and this made it possible for the Kaiser to begin forming a “half-million-strong army” from the Poles. “Stupidity or treason?” – Miliukov asked the Duma members again. "Treason!" – voices were heard. “Choose any one. The consequences are the same,” said the leader of the liberals.
The maxim about the reluctance of the government, which “consciously” preferred “chaos and disorganization,” to heed the call of the Duma to “organize the rear for a successful fight” for fear that this “means organizing a revolution,” gave the speaker grounds to repeat the question again: “What is this, stupidity or treason?” ? In the humorous discussion that broke out, the opinions of the oppositionists were divided. Some shouted: “Treason!”; others, laughing: “This is stupidity!”
After this, Miliukov accused police provocateurs of deliberately inciting worker protests at factories, turning to the Duma members: “What is this being done, consciously or unconsciously?”
Hinting at the circumstances of Sazonov’s resignation, the speaker spoke of him as “the only person who created a reputation for honesty among the allies,” and declared the “court party” to be guilty of his dismissal. However, to say your sacramental question: “Stupidity or treason?” - did not have time. Miliukov was interrupted by one of the leaders of the right Nikolay Markov(Markov the Second), blurted out: “Is your speech stupidity or treason?” In response, the leader of the liberals, without false modesty, called her “a service to her homeland.”
Concluding his speech, Miliukov, in fact, raised before the Duma the question of a vote of no confidence in the government, which was not within its terms of reference. “Get this government to leave,” he urged the deputies. And so that they would not have the slightest doubt whether such a struggle with the supreme power is appropriate in the conditions of a difficult war with a formidable enemy, the speaker emphasized: “But, gentlemen, only during the war they [the current cabinet of ministers. – V.V.] and dangerous."
Addressing the government, he actually burned bridges: “We will fight you, we will fight with all legal means until you leave.”
Miliukov called the main reason for his irreconcilable position “the inability and maliciousness of this government,” explaining: “This is our main evil, victory over which will be tantamount to winning the entire campaign.”
The fight against the government had to be waged, in his words, “in the name of millions of victims and streams of shed blood, in the name of achieving our national interests, in the name of our responsibility to all the people who sent us here.” The result of this struggle was to be the formation of a cabinet responsible to the deputies, and the triumph of the three principles proclaimed by the Progressive bloc, which were “the same understanding by cabinet members of the immediate tasks of the current moment, their conscious readiness to implement the program of the majority of the State Duma and their duty to rely not only on the implementation of this program, but also in all their activities on the majority of the State Duma.”
The verdict on the old system of power, which opposed parliamentary rule, was clearly and unambiguously formulated amid “noisy applause” at the very end of the speech: “A cabinet that does not meet these criteria does not deserve the trust of the State Duma and must leave.”
"Pus-Filled Bladder"
The leader of the parliamentary opposition left the podium to a standing ovation from the majority. He was pleased with himself and even years later, while in exile after his complete political collapse, he recalled with satisfaction: “The impression was as if a bubble filled with pus had been burst and a fundamental evil, known to everyone, but awaiting public exposure, had been exposed.”
Meeting of the State Duma of the fourth convocation in the Tauride Palace
The success of the speech exceeded all expectations. The progressive bloc secured absolute dominance in the Duma, and Miliukov secured unquestioned political leadership for himself. In turn, Sturmer’s office, defamed in the Tauride Palace, was practically doomed. The Prime Minister for some time thought about fighting back and raised the issue of punishing the obstinate Duma member in the Council of Ministers, but did not find support. The ministers suggested that their chairman simply sue Miliukov over his “slander,” but Stürmer decided to “prudently abstain.” He also sought to dissolve the opposition Duma for “vacations,” but was not successful in this either.
Censorship prohibited the publication of Miliukov’s “seditious” Duma speech, as well as some other deputies, but the texts of the speeches were reprinted on typewriters and rotators in various ministries, headquarters, public institutions and private homes and were distributed in millions of copies throughout the country. At the same time, the words spoken in the Tauride Palace were often supplemented and “strengthened” by various well-wishers. Popular “rumor” passed from mouth to mouth: “Member of the Duma Miliukov proved“that the Tsarina and Stürmer are betraying Russia to Emperor Wilhelm.”
However, ironically, the leader of the Cadets did not assert anything at all, except for the correctness of the program of his political bloc. In everything that concerned specific facts, Miliukov only assumed, questioned, hinted and was perplexed. Therefore, it was impossible to judge him for “slander,” to which, fearing undesirable consequences for himself, he preferred a series of mysterious and meaningful “innuendos.”
Famous publicist Vladimir Burtsev– Sherlock Holmes of the Russian Revolution, who for many years was engaged in exposing secret police agents in the ranks of revolutionaries, called this speech in the Duma a “historical speech” that is “entirely built on lies.” Miliukov himself, who, standing on the podium, made it clear with his entire appearance that he knew much more than he could openly declare, later admitted that everything was exactly the opposite: he said much more than he “really” knew .
Unexpected consequences
Meanwhile, the consequences of the speech delivered by Miliukov, according to the fair remark of the historian Sergei Oldenburg, the son of one of the cadet leaders - Sergei Fedorovich Oldenburg, "far exceeded the true intentions of the speaker."
Firstly, immediately after the scandalous speech, Russian diplomacy had to urgently eliminate the results of this throwing of stones in a glass house. To restore Russia's shattered prestige, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a circular telegram to the governments of the Allied powers refuting rumors of a separate peace. However, the seeds of discord and mutual distrust had already been sown and could in the future give rise to the most unexpected and disastrous shoots.
Secondly, the tsarist ministers began to openly fear Miliukov and the Duma opposition, which undoubtedly pleased the latter, but prompted the supreme power to punish the guilty for lack of “proper tone.” So, on November 4, 1916, the Ministers of War and Navy Dmitry Shuvaev And Ivan Grigorovich in a benevolent and somewhat ingratiating manner, they reported to the Duma that the war, by the will of the emperor, would be brought to victory. The deputies warmly greeted both ministers, and Miliukov, taking the floor, interpreted their speeches in his own way: “The military and naval ministers are on the side of the State Duma and the people.” After the meeting, Shuvaev, approaching Miliukov, shook his hand and said: “Thank you.”
P.N. Miliukov (sitting second from right) with comrades in the State Duma during the parliamentary delegation's trip abroad. 1916
This episode, which became known to Alexandra Feodorovna, outraged the empress. She felt that “Shuvaev did the worst thing” and asked her husband to replace him in the ministerial post with General Mikhail Belyaev - “a real gentleman.” The Tsar fulfilled his wife’s request: Belyaev’s appointment took place at the beginning of 1917.
Thirdly, the “ministerial leapfrog” acquired an even more spontaneous and chaotic character. Stürmer's fate was sealed. Despite all the attempts of Alexandra Feodorovna to retain “such a devoted, honest, faithful person” as chairman of the Council of Ministers, Nicholas II was forced to dismiss a statesman in whom “no one has confidence.” But the choice of successors turned out to be rather meager and, as a result, unsuccessful. Alexander Trepov, appointed Prime Minister on November 10, 1916, was in continuous conflict with both the Duma and the Empress, who pointedly refused to trust him for his hostile attitude towards those close to her, Grigory Rasputin and Alexander Protopopov. During his month and a half at the helm, Trepov repeatedly asked for resignation until he finally received it. At the end of 1916, Prince Nikolay Golitsyn- an elderly and ordinary dignitary. He had never previously held high positions and did not have the necessary experience, but he was loyal to the royal couple in everything. Miliukov considered Prime Minister Golitsyn “a complete nonentity in political terms,” and his two-month stay at the head of the government was subsequently dubbed nothing less than “the self-liquidation of the old government.”
Fourthly, a stalemate, fraught with the collapse of the entire management system, has developed in the key department responsible for the internal policy of the empire. Minister of Internal Affairs Alexander Protopopov was completely discredited in the eyes of the public and lost the tsar's trust. Nicholas II noted his inconsistency, the elementary inability to “hold a definite opinion” and sadly wrote to his wife that “it is risky to leave the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the hands of such a person in such times!” However, Alexandra Feodorovna categorically objected to the dismissal of Protopopov, who, as the empress claimed, “will be in place,” “will fix everything,” and has already made the “country” feel his “firm hand.” As a result, Protopopov was left in office only out of fear that his departure would be perceived “as a complete capitulation” to the Progressive Bloc and would encourage the opposition to launch a new “assault on power.”
In the decisive days of February 1917, when the fate of the throne largely depended on the coherence and effectiveness of the actions of the subordinates of the Minister of the Interior, the latter showed neither one nor the other. And Protopopov himself, contrary to the expectations of the empress, did not lead the country with that “firm hand” that could restore order in the rebellious capital.
Finally, with a loud echo of Miliukov’s speech “Stupidity or Treason?” was the murder of Rasputin, who personified the “influence of dark irresponsible forces” and the endless “ministerial leapfrog”, in the St. Petersburg mansion of the Yusupov princes on the night of December 16-17, 1916. But the murder of “Father Gregory,” contrary to the calculations of the high-ranking organizers and participants in the assassination attempt, only aggravated the situation, leading to a new wave of resignations and an unprecedented decline in the prestige of the ruling elite of Imperial Russia. And Miliukov himself, who called this atrocity an “ugly drama,” was far from approving of it. Without changing “anything” in essence, it also embittered the “Russian peasant” even more. It was not difficult to predict the popular rumor about the “peasant” who reached the “royal chorus - to tell the kings the truth” and was killed by the “nobles,” as well as the desire of the “collective Russian peasant” to take revenge on all the “nobles” indiscriminately for “the death of his brother.”
"Storm signal for revolution"
At some point, the liberal and oppositionist Miliukov, who only sought to intimidate the supreme power and force it to make new political concessions, suddenly learned that his speech had acquired “the reputation of an assault signal for the revolution.” This description puzzled him. “I didn’t want this,” he admitted in his memoirs.
When the entire subsequent course of events (“victory” over Premier Stürmer, the reluctance of the supreme authorities to grant a “responsible” government, the growth of public activity, the popular “chatter” about a “palace coup”, etc.) began to push Miliukov and the political opposition led by him to bold and decisive actions, he unexpectedly discovered that he was by no means in the vanguard of the struggle (or even the “war”) he had begun. Especially after his traditionally more moderate ally, the right-wing cadet Vasily Maklakov, made a report “on the upcoming revolution” in the cadet circle.
The leader of the Kadet Party did not at all want to “popularize” this topic. However, he was soon taken by surprise when he heard “a very specific question: why doesn’t the State Duma take power?” Miliukov, it seemed to him, showed resourcefulness and joked: “Bring me two regiments to the Tauride Palace - and we will take power.”
Meanwhile, in reality this is what happened - in February 1917. “I thought of setting an impossible condition,” the former leader of the former Cadet Party summed up his story about this episode many years later. “In fact, I unwittingly uttered a prophecy”...
And already nine months after the February events - November 28, 1917 - the Council of People's Commissars of the Russian Soviet Republic declared the Cadets a party of “enemies of the people.”
Vsevolod Voronin,
Doctor of Historical Sciences
MILYUKOV P.N. Memories. In 2 vols. M., 1990
CHERNYAVSKY G.I., DUBOVA L.L. Miliukov. M., 2015 (series “ZhZL”)
